Whereas one would express 
sympathy with the people of Balochistan for having been neglected during the 
British Raj, and also after independence by the federal and provincial 
governments for decades, some Baloch sardars are to be blamed in equal measure 
for the lack of development and the sad plight of Balochis. It is true that 
Punjab, being the most populated province, has a larger share in government 
jobs. However, to blame the Punjabis for their suffering and discrimination is a 
travesty of the truth. A number of Punjabi teachers and professors have been 
performing their duties in educational institutions in Balochistan, yet dozens 
of them have been killed by the Baloch Liberation Army, as claimed by it after 
every gruesome incident. Recently, four Punjabis, returning from Iran and about 
to board a Karachi-bound passenger coach at the Bullo terminal, were ambushed 
and killed by unidentified gunmen after establishing their identity. In January 
2010, four Punjabi settlers were killed; and since then, a number of Punjabi 
settlers have been brutally murdered.
In the past, many efforts were made to bring the dissident Baloch sardars in 
mainstream politics by addressing their concerns and grievances. During the 
Musharraf era, for example, committees were formed to resolve the 
contradictions, but no progress could be made due to the arrogance of those 
afflicted with the strong-centre syndrome on the one hand, and the arrogance of 
some Baloch sardars, who stood for an independent Balochistan, on the other. 
Late Nawab Akbar Bugti had been demanding an abnormal rise in land rent, and 
also wanted that all lower level staff appointments in Sui be made on his 
recommendations. Then what Sardar Ataullah Mengal and Sardar Khair Bakhsh stand 
for is known to all and sundry through their interviews and statements. After 
unveiling the Balochistan package, President Asif Zardari was under the 
impression that Balochistan would turn into a paradise, but not unexpectedly, 
certain Baloch sardars and self-styled nationalists straightaway rejected the 
package before it was officially made public, without going through its 
contents. Anyhow, all the packages will keep enriching the Baloch elites, 
beefing up their muscle power and empowering them politically.
Our leftists also have their share in creating confusion about the Balochistan 
issue. Living under the illusion as if they were in a communist state, they 
wished that Balochistan be given the right to secede. They failed to understand 
that in a communist state this right is given as a confidence-building measure, 
and to assure that bigger nationality would under no circumstances exploit the 
smaller one. But under the present system, which is rotten to the core, such a 
right could only strengthen the exploitative forces. It is an irrefragable fact 
that tribalism is firmly rooted in Balochistan, as ethnic and tribal identity is 
a potent force for both individuals and groups in the largest province with the 
result that there exists deep polarisation among different groups. Each of these 
groups is based on different rules of social organisation, which has left the 
province inexorably fragmented. In fact, tribal group-ism has failed to 
integrate the state and create a national identity. Some of the missing persons 
in Balochistan might have been picked up by the agencies for their involvement 
in heinous crimes or perceived participation in the war on terror, while others 
might be undergoing guerrilla training in Afghanistan. But those picked by the 
agencies ought to have been duly charged with the crime they were accused of 
having committed and their whereabouts made known to their kith and kin.
It is noteworthy also that condemnation of those responsible for the killing of 
innocent Punjabis has been somewhat subdued. One wonders why our leaders do not 
raise their voice for the emancipation of the tribesman from the age-old serfdom 
of sardars and chieftains to come into his own as a full human being, master of 
his own will and his own destiny. Of course, the key to the Balochistan problem 
lies in giving voice to these voiceless serfs and slaves.
During the Musharraf era also, MQM head Altaf Hussain had threatened to quit the 
federal and provincial governments, if military operation was not stopped in 
Balochistan. For some time, PML-N Quaid Mian Nawaz Sharif has been expressing 
solidarity with the scions of Akbar Bugti, and at least twice vowed to start a 
long march for their rights. It is fresh in the minds of people that Nawab Akbar 
Bugti was the Governor of Balochistan during Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s government, 
and was a great proponent of launching military operation in Balochistan. 
Anyhow, a great majority of the members of Parliament belonged to the landed 
aristocracy - jagirdars, pirs and sardars and new-rich industrialists, who have 
over time become jagirdars also. They thrive on their serfdom, and would be the 
last to work for the emancipation of the wretched of the earth.
Having said that, those who have not been weaned off the poison of sham 
nationalism should take a look at the history of the Balkans, and the fate they 
met. There was indeed justification for the sardars or the people of Balochistan 
to wage struggle when they were under unitary form of government in 1950s and 
1960s. But once the ‘One Unit’ was done away with and complete provincial status 
was given to Balochistan, the struggle should have ended. An unusual phenomenon 
was witnessed: There had been a sort of rebellion whenever there was an elected 
government. However, the long dormant crisis erupted into a brutal confrontation 
with the centre in 1973 when the Bhutto government, what it said, had tried to 
establish educational institutions and construct roads in Balochistan. The 
insurgency lasted for four years from 1973 to 1977, and it was after the 
promulgation of martial law by late General Ziaul Haq that sedition cases were 
withdrawn against Baloch sardars. No one in his right sense would support or 
condone military operation in any of the provinces, yet no government worth the 
name, be it liberal, socialist or Islamic, would allow anyone to challenge the 
writ of the state.
It has to be said that during confrontation between the centre and a few Baloch 
sardars, it is the common Baloch who has to bear the brunt. However, sardars and 
feudal chiefs thrive even amid the centre’s injustices and clashes between them 
and the security forces. It is unfortunate that the civil society does not 
consider it worthwhile to comment on what sardars have been doing to their 
people. Those who support the centrifugal forces in Balochistan should be aware 
of the foreign hand behind insurgency there. In fact, the province’s 
geopolitical location, as well as its vast mineral resources and valuable 
coastline, are the reasons for greed of international powers near and far.
Some analysts reckon that a new ‘Great Game’ may make Balochistan as its target. 
Tehran worries about what conflicts in Balochistan might mean for its 
Sistan-Balochistan province. International powers, like America and Russia, also 
eye this strategic region; nevertheless, at least two Chief Ministers of 
Balochistan had blamed India for exacerbating the situation by supporting and 
funding insurgents in the province. Nationalist sardars, however, should 
understand the international conspiracy because, if any harm comes to Pakistan, 
they also stand to lose unquestionably.
The writer is a freelance columnist.