Muhammad Ali Jinnah was born on 25th December 1876 at Vazeer 
Mansion Karachi, was the first of seven children of Jinnahbhai, a prosperous 
merchant. After being taught at home, Jinnah was sent to the Sindh Madrasasah 
High School in 1887. Later he attended the Mission High School, where, at the 
age of 16, he passed the matriculation examination of the University of Bombay. 
On the advice of an English friend, his father decided to send him to England to 
acquire business experience. Jinnah, however, had made up his mind to become a 
barrister. In keeping with the custom of the time, his parents arranged for an 
early marriage for him before he left for England.
In London he joined Lincoln's Inn, one of the legal societies that prepared 
students for the bar. In 1895, at the age of 19, he was called to the bar. While 
in London Jinnah suffered two severe bereavements--the deaths of his wife and 
his mother. Nevertheless, he completed his formal studies and also made a study 
of the British political system, frequently visiting the House of Commons. He 
was greatly influenced by the liberalism of William E. Gladstone, who had become 
prime minister for the fourth time in 1892, the year of Jinnah's arrival in 
London. Jinnah also took a keen interest in the affairs of India and in Indian 
students. When the Parsi leader Dadabhai Naoroji, a leading Indian nationalist, 
ran for the English Parliament, Jinnah and other Indian students worked day and 
night for him. Their efforts were crowned with success, and Naoroji became the 
first Indian to sit in the House of Commons.
When Jinnah returned to Karachi in 1896, he found that his 
father's business had suffered losses and that he now had to depend on himself. 
He decided to start his legal practice in Bombay, but it took him years of work 
to establish himself as a lawyer.
It was nearly 10 years later that he turned toward active politics. A man 
without hobbies, his interest became divided between law and politics. Nor was 
he a religious zealot: he was a Muslim in a broad sense and had little to do 
with sects. His interest in women was also limited to Ruttenbai--the daughter of 
Sir Dinshaw Petit, a Bombay Parsi millionaire--whom he married over tremendous 
opposition from her parents and others. The marriage proved an unhappy one. It 
was his sister Fatima who gave him solace and company.
Entry into politics.
Jinnah first entered politics by participating in the 1906 Calcutta session of 
the Indian National Congress, the party that called for dominion status and 
later for independence for India. Four years later he was elected to the 
Imperial Legislative Council--the beginning of a long and distinguished 
parliamentary career. In Bombay he came to know, among other important Congress 
personalities, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, the eminent Maratha leader. Greatly 
influenced by these nationalist politicians, Jinnah aspired during the early 
part of his political life to become "a Muslim Gokhale." Admiration for British 
political institutions and an eagerness to raise the status of India in the 
international community and to develop a sense of Indian nationhood among the 
peoples of India were the chief elements of his politics. At that time, he still 
looked upon Muslim interests in the context of Indian nationalism.
But, by the beginning of the 20th century, the conviction had been growing among 
the Muslims that their interests demanded the preservation of their separate 
identity rather than amalgamation in the Indian nation that would for all 
practical purposes be Hindu. Largely to safeguard Muslim interests, the 
All-India Muslim League was founded in 1906. But Jinnah remained aloof from it. 
Only in 1913, when authoritatively assured that the league was as devoted as the 
Congress to the political emancipation of India, did Jinnah join the league. 
When the Indian Home Rule League was formed, he became its chief organiser in 
Bombay and was elected president of the Bombay branch.
"Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity." Jinnah's endeavours to bring about 
thepolitical union of Hindus and Muslims earned him the title of "the best 
ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity," an epithet coined by Gokhale. It was largely 
through his efforts that the Congress and the Muslim League began to hold their 
annual sessions jointly, to facilitate mutual consultation and participation. In 
1915 the two organisations held their meetings in Bombay and in 1916 in Lucknow, 
where the Lucknow Pact was concluded. Under the terms of the pact, the two 
organisations put their seal to a scheme of constitutional reform that became 
their joint demand vis-à-vis the British government. There was a good deal of 
give and take, but the Muslims obtained one important concession in the shape of 
separate electorates, already conceded to them by the government in 1909 but 
hitherto resisted by the Congress.
Meanwhile, a new force in Indian politics had appeared in the person of Mohandas 
K. Gandhi. Both the Home Rule League and the Indian National Congress had come 
under his sway. Opposed to Gandhi's Non-co-operation Movement and his 
essentially Hindu approach to politics, Jinnah left both the League and the 
Congress in 1920. For a few years he kept himself aloof from the main political 
movements. He continued to be a firm believer in Hindu-Muslim unity and 
constitutional methods for the achievement of political ends. After his 
withdrawal from the Congress, he used the Muslim League platform for the 
propagation of his views. But during the 1920s the Muslim League, and with it 
Jinnah, had been overshadowed by the Congress and the religiously oriented 
Muslim Khilafat committee.
When the failure of the Non-co-operation Movement and the emergence of Hindu 
revivalist movements led to antagonism and riots between the Hindus and Muslims, 
the league gradually began to come into its own. Jinnah's problem during the 
following years was to convert the league into an enlightenedpolitical body 
prepared to co-operate with other organisations working for the good of India. 
In addition, he had to convince the Congress, as a prerequisite for political 
progress, of the necessity of settling the Hindu-Muslim conflict.
To bring about such a rapprochement was Jinnah's chief purpose during the late 
1920s and early 1930s. He worked toward this end within the legislative 
assembly, at the Round Table Conferences in London (1930-32), and through his 14 
points, which included proposals for a federal form of government, greater 
rights for minorities, one-third representation for Muslims in the central 
legislature, separation of the predominantly Muslim Sindh region from the rest 
of the Bombay province, and the introduction of reforms in the north-west 
Frontier Province. But he failed. His failure to bring about even minor 
amendments in the Nehru Committee proposals (1928) over the question of separate 
electorates and reservation of seats for Muslims in the legislatures frustrated 
him. He found himself in a peculiar position at this time; many Muslims thought 
that he was too nationalistic in his policy and that Muslim interests were not 
safe in his hands, while the Indian National Congress would not even meet the 
moderate Muslim demands halfway. Indeed, the Muslim League was a house divided 
against itself. The Punjab Muslim League repudiated Jinnah's leadership and 
organised itself separately. In disgust, Jinnah decided to settle in England. 
From 1930 to 1935 he remained in London, devoting himself to practice before the 
Privy Council. But when constitutional changes were in the offing, he was 
persuaded to return home to head a reconstituted Muslim League.
Soon preparations started for the elections under the Government of India Act of 
1935. Jinnah was still thinking in terms of co-operation between the Muslim 
League and the Hindu Congress and with coalition governments in the provinces. 
But the elections of 1937 proved to be a turning point in the relations between 
the two organisations. The Congress obtained an absolute majority in six 
provinces, and the league did not do particularly well. The Congress decided not 
to include the league in the formation of provincial governments, and exclusive 
all-Congress governments were.
Creator of Pakistan.
Jinnah had originally been dubious about the practicability of Pakistan, an idea 
that Sir Muhammad Iqbal had propounded to the Muslim League conference of 1930; 
but before long he became convinced that a Muslim homeland on the Indian 
subcontinent was the only way of safeguarding Muslim interests and the Muslim 
way of life. It was not religious persecution that he feared so much as the 
future exclusion of Muslims from all prospects of advancement within India as 
soon as power became vested in the close-knit structure of Hindu social 
organisation. To guard against this danger he carried on a nation-wide campaign 
to warn his coreligionists of the perils of their position, and he converted the 
Muslim League into a powerful instrument for unifying the Muslims into a nation.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, addressing a procession on 23rd March, 1940
At this point, Jinnah emerged as the leader of a renascent Muslim nation. Events 
began to move fast. On March 22-23, 1940, in Lahore, the league adopted a 
resolution to form a separate Muslim state, Pakistan. The Pakistan idea was 
first ridiculed and then tenaciously opposed by the Congress. But it captured 
the imagination of the Muslims. Pitted against Jinnah were men of the stature of 
Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. And the British government seemed to be intent on 
maintaining the political unity of the Indian subcontinent. But Jinnah led his 
movement with such skill and tenacity that ultimately both the Congress and the 
British government had no option but to agree to the partitioning of India. 
Pakistan thus emerged as an independent state in 14th August, 1947.
Jinnah became the first head of the new state i.e. Pakistan. He took oath as the 
first governor general on August 15, 1947. Faced with the serious problems of a 
young nation, he tackled Pakistan's problems with authority. He was not regarded 
as merely the governor-general; he was revered as the father of the nation. He 
worked hard until overpowered by age and disease in Karachi. He died on 11th 
September, 1948 at Karachi.